Parkening and Hendrix – Teaching and Preaching

Many years ago Christopher Parkening, the famous classical guitarist, came to perform a concert here, at the newly renovated Pantages Theater in Tacoma.  My wife and I admire Parkening.  He not only is a great artist, but he is an openly evangelical Christian.  Prominent music critics have praised him as “the leading guitar virtuoso of our day, combining profound musical insight with complete technical mastery of his instrument” and “America’s reigning classical guitarist, carrying the torch of his mentor, the late Andrés Segovia” (the Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times).

When we arrived at the theater, the line of people waiting to get in extended all through the lobby area and out onto the sidewalk, several blocks long.  I’d never seen anything like it here.  When the concert began, we saw him modestly walk on stage; there was a single chair on the stage, with a microphone on the floor in front of it.  Parkening sat down to play.  All the pieces were solo.  The music was subdued at first, a piece by Bach.  Gradually the program expanded as he played other works in various styles.  There were no stage gimmicks, yet he held us all enthralled for a lengthy concert, with several encores.  It truly was a memorable evening.  Parkening had a way of playing with perfect fidelity to the piece and a simplicity that made the hardest technical passages seem clear and easy.  The beauty of the music was, if anything, understated.  I was convinced that Parkening was the ultimate guitarist.

A few years later in a class here at seminary I mentioned my estimation of Parkening, and one of my students dared to contradict me!  He said the greatest guitarist was Jimi Hendrix!  I was, and still am, pretty unfamiliar with his music.  I’ve never liked rock music and have very little knowledge of it.  Besides, Hendrix played a different instrument, the electric guitar—so how could he be compared with Parkening?  I remembered what that student said, but thought little about it until a few months ago, when I came across Hendrix’s music itself.

Someone on Facebook sent out a link showing Jimi Hendrix playing at Woodstock in 1969—the national anthem, “The Star-Spangled Banner.”  Curious, I clicked on the link and watched and listened to the clip on YouTube.  My first reaction was, “This is weird!”  I watched it twice.  I couldn’t process it; it was mesmerizing.  Hendrix used the guitar in ways that broke the mold of guitar literature.  The image and sounds of his version of the anthem have remained with me since.

Walking to seminary this morning, I thought about a famous line from Emily Brontë’s Wuthering Heights, when Catherine says, “I am Heathcliffe.”  While she loved Linton and planned to marry him, she confessed that her love for Heathcliffe was more basic to her.  Heathcliffe had grown into her heart, had become a part of her.  In the end, her love for Heathcliffe destroyed her and her husband.  Then it occurred to me that the relation of Hendrix to his guitar was like that.  You could say, Parkening mastered his guitar, but Hendrix was his guitar.

How can you compare them?  Each artist is superb, but in a different way.  Parkening shows us the composer’s work.  He is self-effacing; we see the beauty and design the composer intended.  Parkening’s life and career continue, his work continues to grow.  Parkening, as a Christian, lives first for God; his music is not his identity; he can live without it.

Hendrix gave a personal vision of his music.  When he played, people saw him and his vision; the composer was nearly lost in the originality and brilliance of the performance.  Hendrix died at the age of twenty-eight, only a year after his Woodstock performance.  His death under suspicious circumstances ended his brief, tempestuous life.  Hendrix lived for music, for his guitar; it consumed him.  The lives and lifestyles of these two men could hardly be more different.  

They provide an analogy.  Theology professors and preachers—they can be as different as Parkening and Hendrix.  The teacher, like Parkening, calm and disciplined, directs his students to the composer—to God as shown in his Word.  The classroom disappears.  The best teachers are clear, not showing themselves, allowing the students to see through the classroom to the truths of Scripture.  Thoroughness and balance are key.  On the other hand, the preacher, like Hendrix, consumed by God and personal in his faith, shows the work of God in him through his preaching and person.  People see how God changes and makes a man.  The best preachers are moved by God, and move others.  As Paul, they can say, “Be followers of me, as I am a follower of Christ.”

Is there an overlap?  Certainly—teachers preach and preachers teach.  Which is better?  God has made us all different, with different gifts.  We complement each other.  That one is better who uses those gifts best for the glory of God.  God will judge on that account.  May we learn from this analogy of both musicians—may we live for Christ, show him in all his glory, and be wholly consumed by him.

Review of Barry Horner’s "Future Israel"

Barry E. Horner, Future Israel: Why Christian Anti-Judaism Must Be Challenged (Nashville, Tenn.: B & H Academic, 2007). Pp. 394. Reviewed by John A. Battle.

Barry Horner, pastor and author, believes that the conservative Christian church of our day—in particular, the Reformed branch of that church, to which he belongs and with which he is most familiar—has mistakenly absorbed the false notion that the Christian church has replaced the nation of Israel as God’s chosen people. Consequently, there is no longer a special place of blessing or privilege for the Jewish people or nation. This belief, “replacement theology,” as it is called, became predominant in the early church by the fifth century, and was accepted and passed on by the early Protestant Reformers Martin Luther and John Calvin, as well as most of their successors. Horner contends that this teaching is non-biblical, and that it has led to historical anti-Semitism and its horrific consequences.

Having come to an appreciation of the Reformed faith by his own study and reading, Horner is convinced that strong exegetical arguments support the doctrines of grace. On the other hand, he says, the arguments supporting amillennialism and replacement theology do not share that strength; nor is replacement theology required by the Reformed doctrines of salvation. That being the case, he has maintained his premillennial beliefs, along with the belief that national Israel is still the “beloved enemy” of God and his people. He states that his particular study of Ezekiel, Hosea, Zechariah, and Romans has confirmed him in this opinion. Scattered throughout the book are lengthy discussions of these passages, along with substantial quotations from earlier sympathetic writers, such as Jonathan Edwards, David Baron, Horatius Bonar, C. H. Spurgeon, J. A. Seiss, H. C. G. Moule, J. C. Ryle, and C. E. B. Cranfield. He also produces statements that favor portions of his argument from such authors as J. B. Lightfoot, G. C. Berkouwer, and W. D. Davies.

Future Israel is organized fairly well; however, there is much repetition, and a more succinct case would, I think, be more effective. After a personal testimonial, Horner begins by quickly surveying the history of replacement theology, starting particularly in the time of Augustine. Christian hostility to Judaism and the Jewish people, Horner consistently maintains, was largely due to the replacement theology enshrined by Augustine in his City of God. The Christian church is the kingdom of God promised in the covenants of the Old Testament; the unbelieving Jews have no part in the covenants now; nor does the future hold any promise of a national restoration.

Over a hundred pages follow in which Horner traces the history of anti-Semitism in Europe and the New World. He spends much time showing the connection between replacement theology and the anti-Jewish stance of European Catholics and Protestants, including the extreme statements of Martin Luther. These attitudes helped set the stage, not only in Germany, but throughout Europe for the general persecutions of the Jewish people for many centuries, and may have led to the complicity of many nominal Christians to their terrific sufferings in the Holocaust. He also traces the history of the Zionist movement, the establishment of Israel, its relations with various types of Christians, and its threats from fanatical Islamic states. He points out that evangelical Christians, especially premillennial ones, have been the best friends of Israel.

The central portion of the book deals with hermeneutics, the interpretation of Scripture, especially as it touches upon the relation of the Jewish people and nation to prophecy and the church in our dispensation. Horner particularly summarizes the anti-Jewish nature of much of this hermeneutics, as it spiritualizes and allegorizes promises to the nation, while it treats the judgments and condemnations literally. A more consistent hermeneutic will recognize both the material and the spiritual nature of the promises to Israel.

Horner then builds his positive case for a “pro-Jewish” theology. He discusses several passages of Scripture, especially Romans 9-11 and its Old Testament links, arguing that the land of Israel is still promised to the Jewish nation. As he examines these key passages, he interacts with representatives of replacement theology. I believe chapters 9-11 are the theological heart of Horner’s book. Although in their unbelief they have been scattered across the globe, God still recognizes them as his chosen people, and promises to restore them to faith and possession of their land. In the mean time, Christians should recognize them as “beloved enemies” (Rom 11:28). Just as we might regard unsaved members of our own families, so we should regard unsaved Jewish people. We have been grafted into the stock of Israel; all Israelites are our “brothers” in that sense; they belong to our adopted family; we need to witness to them in love, and pray for and work for their salvation.

The final chapter is an appeal to Christians to recognize our position as the “prodigal son” in Jesus’ parable, but that, when the Jewish nation returns to faith in the last days, the positions will be reversed. At that point, we should not be reluctant to receive the believing Jews back into their own family. As Paul says in Romans 11, we should not boast against the cut-off branches. He concludes with encouraging examples of effective Jewish evangelism.

Several appendices add valuable content to the book. Two of them deal with the theologies of Jonathan Edwards and J. C. Ryle as they relate to the Jewish nation. The third discusses grace and law, as related to the Abrahamic covenant. The fourth summarizes the writings of Melanie Phillips, a British journalist and author of Londonistan, who relates the growing anti-Semitism in the Church of England to replacement theology and the growing power of Islamic militancy. The final appendix is a lengthy annotated bibliography of books related to this topic—a very helpful list. The book also contains three indices, for authors, subjects, and Scriptural references.

Being a Reformed premillennialist myself, I find much in Horner’s book with which I agree. I think his discussion of Romans 11 is especially helpful. Also, I was not aware of the extent of anti-Semitism in the history of the Christian church, even in its Protestant branches. When learning in seminary of the work of Luther, for example, I heard no mention of his virulent attacks on Jewish people and their liberties.

I do have a couple criticisms. While not being too specific, it appears that Horner believes that the system of Jewish worship in the Old Testament will be reestablished in the future millennium. I believe that this idea is not necessary, that the promises of that restitution were conditional in that time. Since Jesus Christ’s sacrifice, there is no need to reestablish animal sacrifices and the related worship. Horner seems aware that his position could be classified as dispensational, but he does not clearly define what he means by that term, and whether he includes himself in that category. He does not discuss eschatological details that might clearly indicate dispensationalism, such as the timing of the rapture. It would have been helpful for him to show the relation of his opinions to these well established systems. This is especially true if he desires to harmonize Reformed theology with premillennialism and a positive attitude toward the Jewish nation.

Another criticism is that he seems to judge the truth of a doctrine on the basis of whether or not it is “pro-Jewish” or “anti-Jewish.” If the doctrine under investigation results in hostility to the Jewish nation, then it must be false. A stronger argument is whether or not the doctrine is based on solid exegesis. The results of a doctrine, especially if that doctrine can be abused, do not prove its truth or falsity. The Israelites were to exterminate the Canaanites; that does not mean the revelation given to them by God was false. Replacement theology, as such, does not require hostility to Jews or persecution of Jews; rather, it was abused to lead to those evils. In a similar way, the fact that a doctrine makes it harder to witness to Jews is not proof that the doctrine is wrong. Horner does make a good point, that Paul and other in the Bible are “pro-Jewish” in their sentiments and approach.

In spite of these criticisms, I believe the main purpose of the book is well achieved. The exegetical discussions of the biblical passages are helpful; the history of the relation of the church to the Jewish people is enlightening; and the exhortations to love and witness to our “older brothers” are inspiring.

Calvin’s Disciples, Then And Now

Jason Anspach[1]

John Calvin’s disciple-making through the centuries

            Jesus Christ commissioned his eleven disciples in to “make disciples of all the nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, teaching them to observe all things that I have commanded you” (Matt 28:19-20a).  Followers of the Lord Jesus have sought to do so ever since, be it in the form of evangelism, apologetic writings, or personal discipleship. 

            Sermons are preached, books are read, personal exhortations are heard, but one can only guess at how many people are reached and turned into disciples of King Jesus through our personal labors.  Some Christians work the fields and see little in the way of visible fruit.  John Calvin was blessed not only in his seeing the fruits of his labors before his death, but by having been used by God in winning disciples for Christ long after the man had been called into the presence of the Lord.

Calvin the disciple

            Some might have the impression that John Calvin’s life didn’t truly begin until he wrote The Institutes of the Christian Religion.  While the Institutes was published early in his life (he was twenty-six when the first edition appeared in 1536), God in his providence was placing men in Calvin’s life that would help guide and mold the man into the brilliant theologian we now know.

            Calvin was a brilliant student.  Initially, his father sent him to school with the desire to see his son a priest.  However a change of heart led his father to believe that practicing law would be more profitable.  Calvin studied law at the University of Orléans.  Robert Reymond notes that “within a year Calvin so distinguished himself in the knowledge of law that he was no longer looked upon as a student and was employed to teach classes in the absence of the professor for illness.”[2]

            Calvin studied Greek under Melchior Wolmar,[3] a man with Lutheran tendencies who supplied Calvin with several of Luther’s works, including The Liberty of a Christian Man, in which Luther laid out his case for justification to Pope Leo X.

            Calvin’s conversion likely took place in 1532.  He left little accounting of the people, events, and circumstances that led to his second birth.  In the preface of his Commentary on the Psalms Calvin states that he set his mind to law and that his course was altered by God’s providence despite an initial desire to adhere to “superstitions of Popery.”

            It has been suggested that more light on Calvin’s conversion is revealed in his Reply to Sadoleto, where he answers Jacopo Sadoleto’s letter to Geneva urging them to rejoin Roman Catholicism.  In that writing Calvin portrays a Catholic and Protestant layman standing before God as they are examined as to who practices the “right faith”:

When, however, I had performed all [the works of satisfaction I was told to perform],… I was still far-off from true peace of conscience; for, whenever I descended into myself, or raised my mind to you, extreme terror seized me—terror which no expiations or satisfactions could cure. . . .  Still, as nothing better offered, I continued the course which I had begun, when, lo, a very different form of doctrine started up, not one which led us away from the Christian profession, but one which brought it back to its fountainhead, and, as it were, clearing away the dross, restored it to its original purity.  Offended by novelty, I lent an unwilling ear, and at first, I confess, strenuously and passionately resisted; for . . . one thing in particular made me averse to those new teachers, viz., reverence for the Church.  But when I opened my ears, and allowed myself to be taught, I perceived that this fear of derogating the majesty of the Church was groundless.

            Aside from Wolmar, we have little in the way of identifying who those teachers were who guided a brilliant student into becoming a brilliant theologian and follower of Christ—but we can certainly be thankful that they did!

Calvin’s role in the lives of his contemporaries

            Ritschlian church historian Adolf von Harnack (1851-1930) described John Calvin as “the man who never smiled.”  A superficial look at Calvin seems to suggest a withdrawn scholastic, sitting in an ivory tower writing feverishly, pausing only to pass condemnation on those below him.  A recent article written in the New York Times by Molly Worthen gave the following one-sentence description of Calvin:

John Calvin had heretics burned at the stake and made a man who casually criticized him at a dinner party march through the streets of Geneva, kneeling at every intersection to beg forgiveness.[4]

            Contrary to a popular opinion of Calvin as a sad, dour, man who executed discipline at the drop of a hat—the man was a joyful man.  Benjamin B. Warfield wrote of Calvin’s teachings:

[Calvin taught that] laughter is the gift of God; and he held it [to be] the right, or rather the duty of the Christian man to practice it in its due season.  He is constantly joking with friends in his letters, and he eagerly joins with them in all the joys of life.  “I wish I were with you for half a day,” he writes to one of them, “to laugh with you.” …  He enjoyed a joke hugely, with that open-mouthed laugh, which as one of his biographers phrases it, belonged to the men of the sixteenth century.[5]

Calvin’s jovial demeanor when combined with his gifted ability to clearly portray the doctrines of the Holy Bible resulted in his being influential to those who studied beneath him.

            In 1559 Calvin founded the Geneva Academy, which would become the first Protestant “university” in the world.  The Geneva Academy was an integral part of education within the Reformed church—a University of Wittenberg for the Reformed church.  Calvin was the Academy’s leading theology professor and, along with Theodore Beza, taught thousands of students from all over Europe.  The list of men who studied under Calvin in Geneva is notable for many contributions to the church.  Guido de Bres, who wrote the Belgic Confession, studied under Calvin at the Academy.  Caspar Olevianus also studied under Calvin; he, along with Zacharius Ursinus, wrote the Heidelberg Catechism.

            The persecution of Protestants in England during the reign of “Bloody” Mary Tudor (1553-1558) caused many to flee to Geneva and learn with and from Calvin.  Standouts in this group include Miles Coverdale, who carried on William Tyndale’s work by producing the first complete printed translation of the Holy Bible in the English language, John Foxe who authored Foxe’s Book of Martyrs, and John Knox, who brought reform to the churches and culture in Scotland upon his return from Calvin’s Geneva.  The Geneva Bible,[6] translated from Greek and Hebrew, was completed in Geneva by Anthony Gilby and William Wittingham with Calvin’s support and encouragement.

            Regardless of where the students at the Geneva Academy came from, they returned to their homes carrying with them the impressions and lessons learned while studying under Calvin.  Robert Reynolds notes:

Calvin’s teachings on religious freedom, in particular, laid the foundation for Reformed Presbyterianism, and his views spread from the Geneva Academy throughout Europe, and from these European countries, especially from the British Isles, Presbyterianism spread to the New World where it became very influential in the original American colonies through the Geneva Bible and in both the “Great Awakening” through the efforts of such men as Gilbert Tennent in the North and Samuel Davies in the South and the American Revolution itself through the preaching of such men as John Witherspoon (the only minister to sign the Declaration of Independence), George Duffield and James Caldwell.  Interestingly, when news of the American Revolution reached England, Horace Walpole rose from his seat in the British House of Commons and wryly commented: “There is no crying about the matter.  Cousin American has run off with a Presbyterian parson, and that is the end of it.”[7]

            In addition to his work with the Geneva Academy Calvin preached around 4,000 sermons and continually implored the people of Geneva to be followers of Christ and godly citizens.  As Calvin’s life slowly passed away he gave a plea to his fellow ministers to continue in glorifying God in all aspects of life:

Let each one consider the obligation he has, not only to the Church, but to the city, which he has promised to serve in adversity as well as prosperity, and likewise each one should continue in his vocation and not try to leave it or not practice it.  For when one hides to escape duty, he will say that he has neither thought about it nor sought this or that.  But one should consider the obligation he has here before God.[8]

The role of Calvin’s work after his death

            In the centuries following Calvin’s death in 1564 the teaching of John Calvin, as clearly put forth in the Institutes has remained at the forefront of Christian learning.  B. B. Warfield points to Calvin’s Institutes and its exposition of the Holy Scriptures as the very foundational theological treatise on which the Reformed faith rests:

            [The Institutes] was the first serious attempt to cast into systematic form that body of truth to which the Reformed churches adhered as taught in the Holy Scriptures; and as such it met a crisis and created an epoch in the history of the Churches.  In the immense upheaval of the Reformation movement, the foundations of the faith seemed to many to be broken up, and the most important questions to be set adrift; extravagances of all sorts sprang up on every side; and we can scarcely wonder that a feeling of uneasiness was abroad, and men were asking with concern for some firm standing-ground for their feet.  It was Calvin’s ‘Institutes’ which, with its calm, clear, positive expositions of the evangelical faith on the irrefragable authority of the Holy Scriptures, gave stability to wavering minds, and confidence to skunking hearts, and placed upon the lips of all a brilliant apology, in the face of the calumnies of the enemies of the Reformation.

            As the fundamental treatise in the development of a truly evangelical theology its mission has stretched, however, far beyond its own day.  All subsequent attempts to state and defend that theology necessarily go back to it as their starting point, and its impress upon the history of evangelical thinking is ineffaceable.  Even from the point of view of mere literature, it holds a position so supreme in its class that every one who would fain know the world’s best books, must make himself familiar with it.  What Thucydides is among Greeks, or Gibbon among eighteenth century English historians, what Plato is among philosophers, or the Iliad among epics, or Shakespeare among dramatists, that Calvin’s ‘Institutes’ is among theological treatises.[9]

The original editors of Calvin’s complete works said of Calvin:

Though Luther was supremely great as a man and Zwingli was second to none as a Christian citizen, and Melanchthon well deserves the appellation of the most learned of teachers, Calvin may justly be called the leader and standard-bearer of theologians.

            While Calvin’s work has been lauded and appreciated by those who have followed the orthodox Christian teaching of Reformed theology, Calvinism itself has been looked upon unfavorably as a whole.  During the Second Great Awakening, men such as Charles Grandison Finney openly rejected the doctrine of Calvinism, referring to it as “Old Divinity” and an unbiblical hindrance to evangelism.  In his systematic theology Finney remarked, “I have felt greater hesitancy in forming and expressing my views upon this Perseverance of the saints, than upon almost any other question in theology.”

            Finney and his revivalist repudiation of the five points of Calvinism eventually gave way to the error of theological liberalism.  Today Calvinism finds itself at odds with Roman Catholic and Greek Orthodox churches that deny, among other things, God’s sovereign work in election, with mainline Protestant churches which have eliminated the biblical doctrines of those who founded and raised their (now crumbling) denominations, and with the churches descended from Finney who view Calvinism as something unbiblical. 

            In 1997 Southern Baptist historian William Estep wrote of Calvinism: “Calvinism’s God resembles Allah, the god of Islam, more than the God of grace and redeeming love revealed in Jesus Christ.”[10]  With such opposition surrounding Calvinism, combined with the constant trials brought against Christianity by the world, one might be led to think that this doctrine, which Jonathan Edwards called “horrible”[11] before submitting to it and finding joy in its truth, has run its course.  However, Calvin continues to speak to those living today, and his theology is being freely and widely embraced by the youth of America today.

            In 1929 J. Gresham Machen gave a Baccalaureate address at Hampden-Sydney College, where he asked:

How should it be if we should turn to the Bible for help?  We have turned to everything else, to things ancient and modern.  Why should we not turn at length to that?  I am indeed aware that the demand that I am making is very great….  I am asking you to follow him who came not to bring peace upon the earth but a sword; I am asking you to accept what the Bible itself presents as central.[12]

The evangelical church of today has been criticized for its preaching of therapeutic properties such as wealth, a positive self-image, or a better love-life–rather than the gospel of salvation.  Couple this with youth groups seeking to entertain as the world rather than teach Christ and a mass of young people are left with a spiritual thirst for Truth that is being slaked by the Reformed theology of Calvin.  Journalist Collin Hansen remarks:

Many churches geared toward so-called spiritual seekers focus on God’s immanence, his nearness. They talk about a personal relationship with Christ, emphasizing his friendship and reminding audiences that God made us in his image.  It all makes sense, because so many baby boomers left churches that felt personal and irrelevant.  But the culture has shifted.  Fewer Americans now claim any church background.  Evangelical mega churches, once the upstart challengers, have become the new mainstream.  Teenagers who grew up with buddy Jesus in youth group don’t know as much about Father God…. Calvinism puts much stock in transcendence, which draws out biblical themes such as God’s holiness, glory, and majesty.  Think of the prophet Isaiah’s vision in Isaiah 6:1: “In the year that King Uzziah died I saw the Lord sitting upon a throne, high and lifted up; and the train of his robe filled the temple.”…  Beholding God’s transcendence helps us experience his immanence or nearness.[13]

In a world dominated by post-modern thought that denies any absolute truth in favor of relativism, Calvin’s theology cuts through the dulled ears of those who have been told that nothing is absolutely important and shown a God who has created mankind to glorify him and enjoy him forever–because he alone is due eternal glory and he alone can provide eternal joy. 

            Just as John Knox carried the Reformation from Calvin in Geneva to Scotland and ultimately the New World, Calvin’s modern day disciples proclaim the reality of Ephesians 2,  that we were dead in sins and made alive through Christ by grace through faith, the gift of God.

            Just as men from all over Europe came to Geneva to study under Calvin and subsequently returned to their home countries to spread the Gospel through Calvinism, today’s disciples of Calvin are going to his writings and theology and returning to their cultural homeland proclaiming the gospel via Calvinism, whether it be from faithful pastors preaching God’s sovereignty in salvation from the pulpit or from Reformed musicians such as Curtis Allen, whose lyrics ask:

On his own, man would never choose holiness.  He’s incapable, so Christ chose holes in his wrist.  To demonstrate his grace to save any, though, some would argue that it’s faith that saves many, apart from him, like he’ll just sit back, watch, and hope some believe before their heart stops; does that sound consistent with the God of the Bible, all-powerful but in salvation he’s idle?  If God needs help and that’s really true, does that mean salvation is up to me and you?  If Christ can create the earth, moon, and stars, does his work not work unless it works for us?

Calvin has remarkably made an impact on the believers of his day, and the centuries following his death up to this very day.  Warfield said of Calvin and his publication of the Institutes,

The publication of [the Institutes] was like the setting up of the King’s Standard in Mediaeval Europe—that the lieges might gather to it.  It was raising the banner on high that all men might see it and rally around it.  It provided at last a platform for the hard beset Protestants, everywhere spoken against, and far too easily confounded with the radicals of the day—radicals who scouted the very foundations of the Christian faith, overturned the whole fabric of the social order, outraged the commonest dictates of ordinary decency.  Its publication met a crisis and created an epoch.  It gave a new stability to Protestantism, and set it before the world as a coherent system of reasoned truth by which men might live and for which they might gladly die.[14]

While Calvin’s Institutes did fill a need in the days it was written, it is John Calvin’s careful exposition of Scripture—his ability to leave us with a theology that is so intertwined and so reflective of the teachings found in Holy Scripture—that has taught and will continue to teach followers of Jesus Christ the doctrines of salvation as put forth in the entirety of the Bible.

[1] Jason Anspach is a student at Western Reformed Seminary and is serving as a ministerial intern in the Tacoma Bible Presbyterian Church.

[2] Robert L. Reymond, John Calvin: His Life and Influence, 28.

[3] Calvin dedicated his commentary on 2 Corinthians to Wolmar.


[5] B. B. Warfield, “Calvin’s Doctrine of the Creation,” The Works of Benjamin B. Warfield, 5:297.

[6] The Geneva Bible was tremendously popular due to its marginal notes written by Calvin, Knox, Coverdale, and others.  On the advice of Calvin it adopted the style of chapters being divided into verses.  This was the Bible that was taken on the voyage of the Mayflower to America in 1620.

[7] Reynolds, John Calvin: His Life and Influence, 80-81.

[8] David Hall, The Legacy of John Calvin: His Influence on the Modern World, 75.

[9] B. B. Warfield, “On the Literary History of Calvin’s ‘Institutes,’” Works, 5:373-374.

[10] William R. Estep, “Doctrines Lead to ‘Dunghill,’ Prof Warns,” The Founders Journal (Summer 1997),

[11] Quoted in George M. Marsden, Jonathan Edwards: A Life, 41.

[12] Quoted in Stephen J. Nichols, J. Gresham Machen’s The Gospel in the Modern World and Other Short Writings, 23.

[13] Collin Hansen, Young, Restless, Reformed: A Journalist’s Journey with the New Calvinists, 21-22.

[14] Warfield, “Calvin and the Reformation” in Selected Shorter Writings of Benjamin B. Warfield, edited by John E. Meeter, I. p. 403-4

The Story of Calvinism in the New World: A Synopsis

Leonard W. Pine

[Leonard Pine is Field Director of the Presbyterian Missionary Union, and Adjunct Professor of Practical Theology at Western Reformed Seminary.]


As I pondered on the enormity of my suggested topic, it occurred to me that it would be somewhat pathetic for me to attempt to add to the world’s knowledge of John Calvin.  I expect that hundreds of thousands of pages have been written on the subject.  When it comes to a contemporary view of how he has impacted our English-speaking world, and the New World in particular, I realized that the research alone could take years.  But I do feel quite capable of introducing the readers of this Journal to an excellent source of which they may not have previously aware.  So, I decided to turn to one of the most respected authorities on Calvin extant today, John T. McNeill.  McNeill’s The History and Character of Calvinism, first published in 1954, thoroughly examines Calvin’s thought and impact around the world in a scholarly and yet accessible way.  My thought here is not to review the book, but to offer a synopsis of the work in the pertinent passages that have to do with Calvin’s impact in the New World, and through it, in the modern era.  The edition I worked with was published as a paperback in New York by Oxford University Press, Inc., in 1967.  The page numbers you see sprinkled through this article are from that edition.


The first Calvinists in the Americas arrived in Rio de Janeiro in 1555.  Gaspard de Coligny brought a French Huguenot expedition there, but its leader abandoned his Protestantism and shipped the refugees back to France as heretics.  Another Huguenot refugee expedition arrived in Canada’s Bay of Fundy in 1602.  After a winter on the island of St. Croix the settlers moved to the mainland and established Port Royal (now Annapolis, Nova Scotia).  Samuel de Champlain founded Quebec for the French in 1608.  Once it was well established, the government of New France gave the Huguenots no liberty to worship or organize after about 1647 or so, and French Calvinism in the Americas dwindled away to nothing.

In 1562 another expedition went to the Florida coast, where three years later they were murdered by the Spaniards.  Some Calvinists did manage to come and stay, though, establishing small churches in New Netherlands, Massachusetts, and South Carolina.  From these modest beginnings the Protestant Reformation took root in America.

The English in America

Unlike the French, who wanted their heretics back so they could put them to death, the English were quite glad to be rid of the Puritans and for the most part let them go whither they would.  Many went to the Virginia colony, where the Anglican Church was established in the charter of 1606.  Pilgrims (the separatists of their day) and Puritans made their way to what would become the Plymouth and the Massachusetts Bay Colonies.  The Pilgrims at Plymouth listened to the preaching of John Robinson, whose ideas of a totally autonomous local church were a strange brand of Calvinism for the time, but a natural outgrowth of Calvinistic principles.  The Plymouth Plantation members adhered to devout obedience to the Scripture interpreted according to Calvinistic hermeneutical principles and courageous living trusting in the sovereign providence of God.

The larger colony of Massachusetts Bay was founded in 1628-30, and by 1640 more than 20,000 Puritans had arrived.  These were the flower of the Puritan movement, and they were led by such men as John Cotton, Thomas Mather, and John Davenport, all from Cambridge.  Their Calvinism was not a rigid and static system, and they weren’t happy with either episcopacy or Presbyterianism.  Slowly congregationalism spread throughout the Puritan colonies, though retaining elements of Presbyterianism.  Thomas Hooker promoted political suffrage to all free men, even if they weren’t communicants in the church.  In 1636 Roger Williams, who for his ideas of separation of church and state had been ousted from Massachusetts, founded at Providence the colony of Rhode Island, where he allowed just about anyone to come.  1636 also saw the founding of Harvard College.  Some of the Puritans stressed the responsibility of men, others of the goodness of God; still others the entire Calvinist pattern of theology.  Various synods were held to decide major issues facing the Church.  The Westminster Confession was adopted bodily, except for the sections dealing with polity and discipline.  Cotton Mather’s writings, among others, indicate the acceptance of essentially Presbyterian views of the ministry.  But the moral character of people started to slide, and revival would not come fully until Jonathan Edwards and the Great Awakening.

The Dutch in America

In 1609 a tiny Dutch colony was begun on Manhattan Island.  Fourteen years afterwards groups of Walloon Calvinists settled on Manhattan and Staten Island, and also near Albany.  In 1653 New Amsterdam was incorporated as a city on Manhattan Island.

“In 1640, it was formally declared that only the Reformed Church was to be permitted in New Netherlands” (p. 342).  But by 1663 Peter Stuyvesant, the director of the colony, had granted liberty of conscience in the colony.  The next year the English navy threatened New Amsterdam, and Stuyvesant had to surrender.  In 1673 the Dutch recovered the city, but it became English again by treaty in 1674 and was renamed New York.  In 1696 the Dutch Church of the City of New York was incorporated.  The Dutch Reformed Church in America was to have a prominent role both in the formation of a nation and in the Great Awakening.

The Scots in America

In 1651 Cromwell sent some of his Scottish prisoners to New England; six years later they established the Scots Charitable Society of Boston to aid one another or any other Scot that might happen by.  About 1710 large numbers of Scots from Ulster, who had suffered under Queen Anne’s government, began to arrive in New England and Pennsylvania.  They became the backbone of the early pioneers, founding settlements and churches all over the wilderness.  Some of the eminent Scots-Irish leaders of this period were Francis Makemie, an able and fearless Presbyterian preacher; William Tennent, who founded the first Presbyterian educational institution in America in 1727; and the Scot John Witherspoon, who was to be the only clergyman among the signers of the Declaration of Independence.

The Germans in America

The decades that brought the Scots-Irish migration saw also the arrival of thousands of Germans, many of them Palatinate Calvinists.  A congregation of both Dutch and German Reformed in Philadelphia (1710) soon became Presbyterian.  Through the efforts of travelling ministers John Philip Boehm, George Michael Weiss, and Michael Schlatter, the German Reformed Church spread through much of Pennsylvania and New York and came to “vigorous life” (p. 349).

Political Influences

John Witherspoon was not the only Presbyterian who favored freedom.  In Calvinism itself there was a desire for church autonomy from the state, and there was a “distinctly congenial” (p. 347) attitude to republicanism, which was brought to fruition in the Revolution.  On the whole, Presbyterians vigorously opposed the monarchy.  Gradually they developed a greater toleration of other religious groups.  In 1776 Virginia’s Bill of Rights guaranteed all men the free exercise of religious beliefs.  After many years of dissent, “Presbyterianism had ceased to demand a position of establishment and, without losing its religious character, had become committed to the principle of religious freedom” (p. 348).


In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries most of the Calvinistic churches were rent through a series of controversies.  Primarily four elements characterized this period of Calvinism: Erastianism (the philosophy of the supremacy of the state in ecclesiastical matters), rationalism (which encouraged acquiescence to Erastianism for ecclesiastical “safety”), new evangelical forces, and the ensuing tensions and secessions.

Dissension among the Scots

Scottish Presbyterians were the hardest hit by this pattern of events, but every place where Reformed Churches had been politically established suffered similarly.  Even in America revivals brought with them the tormented breath of rationalism and strife.  The Enlightenment threatened Christianity on all fronts.

Though the Scottish church was reunited in the 1690s, the reign of Queen Anne saw it split again over the issue of patronage, which took the call of the ministers out of the hands of the congregation, and placed it in the hands of patrons who had donated the land for the church.  The seceders went to Ireland, Canada, and the United States.  A movement was begun early in the nineteenth century to reunite the fragments of the church, and in 1820 the United Secession Church gathered together most of the seceders.

The majority of the Church remained intact in Scotland, and it was during this period that the ministers of the Scottish Kirk led the world in the sciences, literature, and history—but not in theology.  Some of the Evangelicals did not secede, however, and they remained behind to give the General Assembly grief.  This was also a period of great Evangelical revivals, the beginning of the Great Awakening.  The Evangelicals had their effect.  The Church of Scotland in 1829 was the first national church to authorize and maintain foreign missions.  Scotland’s theology was little affected by evangelical Arminianism, even though Wesley was well-received.  The Scottish Baptists were on their feet in the early 1800s, as Calvinistic in theology as the Presbyterians.

The patronage issue would not stay down, and in 1843 about half of the General Assembly walked out when the government tried to force patronage on them.  They began the Free Church of Scotland which embraced “the majority of the most zealous and active among both clergy and laity” (p. 361).

America’s Great Awakening and the “Fallout”

“The stages of Evangelical revival were … attended by strife” (p. 361).  The Evangelicals’ aggressive pietism stirred up opposition, which fortunately was overcome.  The Great Awakening was led by Jonathan Edwards, who must be regarded as the most eminent of American Calvinists.  In the eighteenth century Presbyterians still had a numerical advantage over the Congregationalists, as well as the ecclesiastical control of the American colonies.  The Presbyterians had much to do with the formation and support of the American republic, and the expansion of it also.  They had a large part in missions to the American Indians, and were joined by other churches in reaching out to the frontiers of the new nation.  “The life of all churches of Calvinist origin in America at that period present two notable pluses, revivalism and concern for education” (p. 365).  Camp meetings began to be held in 1800, and from 1782 to 1850 twenty-eight colleges were founded in frontier states alone, joined by others in the original colonies.

But the nineteenth century saw also many divisions.  Many of the colleges founded were begun by seceders from the established Presbyterian Church, and the Congregationalists had their problems as well.  The cause of the divisions was rooted in pietism and the revivals—disagreement over methods or theology or both caused a lot of controversy in all branches of the Reformed churches, some of which has never been settled.

Reunion Efforts in the English-speaking World

Through the nineteenth century Scottish cries for Christian unity were incessant.  No instant changes were to take place, however; the restoration of unity in the Church of Scotland was a cumulative process.  The first stage began in 1820, and was not brought to completion until 2 October 1929, when the United Free Church and the Church of Scotland were reunited in a church “as one established and free” (p. 376).

In England, the English Presbyteries, shaking off Unitarian influences and affirming the Westminster Standards, joined with Scottish Presbyterians in England to form the Presbyterian Church of England in June 1876.

In America, the Civil War caused Northern Presbyterians to unite into the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A., and the Southern Presbyterians to join in the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.  This breach was not healed until 1983.

In Canada, the four Presbyterian churches there united to form the Presbyterian Church of Canada in 1875.  Discussion of union with the Anglicans was begun about 1889, and in the next decade union with the Methodists was considered as well.  As the negotiations went on, the Anglicans and Baptists declined to participate, with the minority of Presbyterian groups joined in the United Church of Canada on June 10, 1925.  Affirming the Westminster Standards, its polity is basically Reformed, and it maintains “a strong ecumenical consciousness.”

Australia saw the final union of Presbyterian elements in 1901 in the Presbyterian Church of Australia.  There are hopes for union with the Methodists and Congregationalists.  New Zealand’s Presbyterianism of the Southern and Northern Island joined in 1901.  Negotiations for union with Methodists and Congregationalists “have reached an advanced stage” (p. 381).

Finally, in South Africa the Reformed Free Church of South Africa (growing out of Dutch Reformed influences) was formed in 1859. “The four territorially separated branches of the Dutch Reformed… were associated in a Federal Council in 1906” (p. 382).

Expansion through Missions

With the rise of British and Dutch sea power, missions became a compelling vision of Protestant hearts.  The Baptist Missionary Society was founded in 1792, and was soon followed by other missionary societies in England, and also in Scotland, America, Switzerland, France, Holland, and Germany.  The leadership in almost all of these was Calvinist, under whatever denominational flag they labored.  Denominationalism on the whole “shrank out of sight in the foundation and support of the missionary societies” (p. 385).  The first world missions conference was held in New York in May 1854.  Thirty-one years later in London, the “Century Conference” adopted the principles of comity, or, not proselytizing another group’s converts while working together for common edification.  The Far East and Africa saw the working of this system primarily, and the most conspicuous result of the system was the founding of the United Church of South India in 1947.


The modern Ecumenical Movement had its beginnings around 1846, with the founding of the Evangelical Alliance in London.  “The Alliance was concerned with spiritual and not organic unity; but where the former is enjoyed, the obstacles to the latter disappear” (p. 387).  The year 1875 saw the founding of the Alliance of Reformed Churches, which organization has been more consistently favorable to ecumenical co-operation and unity than perhaps any other denominational family.  A further step was made at Edinburgh in 1910 with the World Missionary Conference, sometimes thought of as originating the present Ecumenical movement.  “Calvin’s words to Cranmer that he would not hesitate to cross ten seas if he might help in uniting the severed members of the Church’s body express an attitude that has been revived in the churches of the Calvinist family” (p. 388).

Calvinism in a Changing World of Thought

Calvinism and Philosophy

“Calvinism and Puritanism never said an emphatic NO to the current forces of secular culture” (p. 390).  Peter Ramas, a sixteenth century philosopher, whose anti-Aristotelian logic held syllogisms in contempt, proposed dealing with evidence by argumentative rhetoric instead.  The seventeenth century saw Descartes with his method of doubt.  These appeals to logic did not fail to lure Calvinistic minds, and though decried by some, they were championed by many of influence—John Cocceius, for example.  The teaching of mathematics and the sciences grew more popular—1614 was the year that logarithms were invented by Calvinist John Napier of Scotland; and this period saw, also, the development of algebra by Descartes.  The sciences were mostly the natural sciences, with a fair sprinkling of chemistry.  At this time science was not considered to be the enemy of religion, but rather religion’s handmaiden.

The eighteenth century saw theology of all types, and Calvinism especially, assailed from many sides.  Francis Hutcheson, David Hume, and Immanuel Kant, while claiming to further science and better religion, secularized the first and shook the second.

In America of the nineteenth century some of the leading theologians included John Williamson Nevin, who stressed the centrality of the person of Christ in salvation, using the new German thought to do it; Philip Schaff, who hoped for reunion with the Roman Catholic Church; Charles Hodge, whose Systematic Theology is a reaffirmation of Calvin’s own teachings; Benjamin B. Warfield, who championed classical Calvinism from the halls of Princeton; and Horace Bushnell, a Congregationalist preacher and author, who was severely critical of Calvinism’s contemporary expression.

Calvinism and Criticism

The nineteenth century was a period of innovation in outward forms of worship in Reformed churches. The singing of hymns, the use of an organ, fresh architectural styles, and new liturgies all came into being gradually, in the face of sometimes rather stiff opposition.

But something deeper was afoot.  High criticism, that “science” that calls into doubt the inerrancy, authority, and accuracy of the Scriptures, was beginning to make itself felt in pulpits everywhere.  Union Theological Seminary in New York, until 1892 tied to the Presbyterian Church, was the center of the new thought.  Along with doubting Scriptural authority came the doubt of the Westminster Confession of Faith; whereas in previous years the Confession had never been viewed as perfect, there had always been a reluctance to alter it.  The twentieth century, especially, has seen it altered many times, and finally replaced by a liberal Confession that is more in line with new theological thought.

Calvinism and Liberalism

While Higher Criticism questions the physical Scriptures, liberalism encompasses and reaches beyond the higher critics to question the doctrines of Scripture.  The eighteenth century was the seedbed of deism, rationalism, and naturalism.  Theology was hard hit, and being a theologian came to mean that what one did was to reconcile logic with Scripture.  The “founder of modern theology, Friedrich Schleiermacher, was the theologian of the Romantic Movement” (p. 406).  To him, Scripture yielded authority to religious emotion, and theology relied on psychology.  His teachings had a very moderating influence on Calvinistic minds, and others followed his example of emphasis on emotion and psychology.  Anthropology became the guideline of theology.

Nineteenth century America also witnessed the rise of the Social Gospel, nurtured and spread through Union Theological Seminary.  “Only some of the smaller members of the Reformed family of churches remained immune to the liberal leaven” (p. 409).  Within the Fundamentalist movement, begun in 1909, the Orthodox Presbyterian Church (1936) and the Bible Presbyterian Church (1937) became prominent among the small number of Presbyterian groups that seek to uphold the Word of God and classical, or Dortian, Calvinism.

Calvinism and Public Affairs

Calvinism and Politics

Calvinists have always been active in political affairs. As a group they have favored and fought for representative government and rejected tyranny in any form.  Oliver Cromwell was a notable exception; benevolent dictator that he was, he was still a dictator.  A younger contemporary of Cromwell, John de Witt, “was a staunch advocate of a free republic” (p. 412).  During the Revolution in America, Calvinism asserted principles of the authority of the people, divinely bestowed.  And one of the primary advocates of religious liberty in the early years of the colonies was Roger Williams, founder of Rhode Island.

In the Netherlands also both Calvinists and Arminians made their contributions to political thought.  Calvinist Johannes Althusius (pub. 1603), emphasized the co-operation of all citizens under two contracts, social and governmental, in a society where the rulers are “delegates of the people” (p. 416) and where both “rulers and people acknowledge that they hold their power from God” (p. 416).  Arminian Hugo Grotius, though outside the Calvinist tradition, was the chief exponent of international law, which he put forth in his book The Rights of War and Peace, published in 1625.

Calvinism and Economics

“Ideas that have been brought to expression by late Calvinists have been read back into Calvin to the confusion of history” (p. 418).  One example is the idea that Calvin affirmed that wealth is a sign of the favor of God, when actually Calvin condemned this manner of thinking.  It is not that this idea is never true, only that it is not necessarily true, and to say that it is, is beyond the pale of Scripture.

Concerning usury, or interest, Calvin was not totally opposed to it, as later Calvinists have come to hold in some areas.  Rather there was given “cautious permission of moderate interest, under the strict rule of love and for the good of the borrower” (p. 418).

Calvinism and Humanitarianism

The Industrial Revolution brought much poverty with its prosperity.  One of the first to realize the Church’s obligation to the poor was Thomas Chalmers, a leader of Scottish Evangelicalism.  He adopted Adam Smith’s laissez-faire theories, which led him to the belief that relief for the poor should not come from government, but from the Church and other private institutions.  His work was quite successful as far as it extended.

The 1850’s also saw the rise of the Social Gospel movement, which was a polite way of hiding socialism in a religious cloak.  It gained formal recognition by the Federal Council of Churches (later, the National Council) in 1912 by the Social Creed of the Churches, with a revision in 1932.  Presbyterian and Reformed churches had a large part in this creed.  The movement has paid a minimum of attention to theology and doctrine.

Concerning racial issues, Calvinists have largely opposed slavery, but during the American Civil War, most churches of whatever denomination supported the position of the states where they were located.  Calvinists were prominent, however, in the small group of anti-slavery men in the South.

In conclusion, “most Calvinists have always associated with their faith in the sovereignty of God a feeling for the cause of human liberty and public justice and a strong preference for representative and responsible government” (p. 425).

The Spirit of Calvinism in the World Today

The “body” of Calvinism, obviously, is the physical make-up of the Church, with its sessions, presbyteries, synods, confessions, officers, building, congregations, and so on.  Reformed polity as a whole has not changed much; though there are as many liturgies almost as there are churches, the basic form and goals in worship remain the same.  But “the body without the spirit is dead” (p. 427), and the spirit of Calvinism is not easy to define and catalogue.

Post-War Development

When World War I became a reality in 1914, it became obvious that the widely hailed liberalism did not have the answers needed to subdue the evils of the world.  Into the theological arena stepped Karl Barth, one of the most influential philosophers and theologians of the twentieth century.  He declared his own war “against the presuppositions of the old complacent liberalism and every element of natural theology” (p. 428).  Though he refused to submit himself to absolute truth, his deferential treatment of both Luther and Calvin had “the effect of leading friend and foe to their company” (p. 429).  The crisis of the war led many to a spiritual quest and a desire to restore a Calvinistic awareness of God as well as its “moral tonic” (p. 430).  Conservative exponents of a return to Calvinism included Abraham Kuyper, whose work influenced theology on both sides of the Atlantic; L. Berkhof, who reflected the views of Kuyper and Bavinck in refuting the views of Barth; Cornelius Van Til, who gave a “cautious reinterpretation” (p. 430) of the doctrine of grace; Auguste Lecerf, a French theologian whose works reflect the belief that Calvinism is the remedy for the twentieth century; Paul T. Fuhrmann, the title of whose book God Centered Religion (1942) speaks for itself; and many others.

Revival of Calvinism

The Calvinism being “restored” today is not a replica of any brand of Calvinism that has preceded it.  For one thing, it would be necessary to restore the society and manner of thinking of the sixteenth century to accurately rebuild original Calvinism.  But to recover the spirit of Calvinism, this is not necessary.  The spirit of Calvinism is to respond to God appropriately as He has revealed himself in Scripture.

Some shudder at the thought of returning to Calvinism.  They would rather stay in a place of intellectual neutrality and detachment than to commit themselves to the mission Calvinism demands.  Calvinism, it is supposed, breeds personality disorders, guilt, unhappiness, sobriety, pride, pretention, and a sour disposition, among other things.  And perhaps there is some substance to these charges among those that pervert it to one degree or another.  But the true spirit of Calvinism, rightly understood, does nothing of the sort.  “A sense of security in God may be accompanied by a disturbing compassion for men: there is always a Jerusalem to weep over.  Happiness is little related to decibels of laughter” (p. 436, emphasis added).

The Extent of the Calvinistic Spirit

The spirit of Calvinism is making itself known to all of Christianity, and it “characterized by a combination of God-consciousness with an urgent sense of mission” (p. 436).  It is not a rich man’s religion primarily; its most faithful adherents, historically, have been among the less prosperous.  Capitalists who really reflect Calvinistic ethics are concerned chiefly not with amassing wealth, but with using it to benefit others.  The spirit can no longer be claimed by only Reformed churches; it has gone beyond ecclesiastical bounds seeking union and intercommunion.  Calvin’s message is to all.  And that message is, in every circumstance, every man has to do with God (Institutes 3.7.2).


Since McNeill’s book was first published, much has occurred in the Americas from the viewpoint of a vital Calvinism continuing to impact culture, theology, missiology, and the Church at large.  Calvin’s teachings continue to satisfy the thirst of hungry souls and drive an evangelism that goes far deeper than outward response.  To conclude, I present the testimony of an acquaintance who had this to say:

I want to comment on Calvin’s teaching on Western civilization and the church and me in particular.  I was raised in a church that did not stress most of the doctrines of Calvinism.  I made a profession of faith at an early age since I felt and was told I was able to understand the gospel and make a decision to follow Christ.  I thought I was OK and accepted by God since I said the sinner’s prayer and believed the right stuff.  Then something amazing happened to my family.  My older sister became born again in her late teens and said I was given a wrong theology and a false sense of security and challenged me to repent of my sins and really believe in Jesus so much that it would change my life.  My sister started teaching me the doctrines of grace.  Seven years later, when I was 16 years old, I became convicted of my sin and believed in Jesus as my only hope of his selective grace.  His sovereign selection of me in particular strangely warmed my heart and I was born again.

This is the power of the biblical doctrines that Calvin taught, and why they continue to impact our world today.